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[ ARTICLE ]

Destroying public debate and discrediting political figures through sloganeering

FESTIM RIZANAJ

In the political context of Kosovo, social networks – especially Facebook and TikTok – have become key spaces where political developments are interpreted, repackaged and often distorted. Artificial intelligence-generated content, edited videos, political memes and manipulated images are increasingly used as tools for political commentary, but also for emotional influence, discrediting and partisan mobilization. Instead of serving as a space for debate on political programs, public policies or institutional accountability, these platforms are shifting the discussion towards digital spectacle and simplified visual interpretations.

In line with the international phenomenon of "AI slopaganda", a local form of using low-quality, quickly produced and massively distributed content is emerging in Kosovo, with the aim not necessarily of factual deception, but of emotional impact and shaping political perceptions. Such content does not need to be technically convincing; it is enough to be provocative, ironic or emotionally charged to circulate quickly and generate a reaction.

The degradation of public debate: from political argument to digital spectacle

One of the most obvious consequences of this phenomenon is the degradation of public debate. Political debate in digital spaces is moving away from the analysis of concrete issues – such as governance, the economy, foreign policy or institutional development – ​​and is being replaced by viral content that reduces politics to ridicule, symbolism or personalized conflict.

AI-generated or manipulated videos featuring politicians dancing, singing, in absurd situation apo reacting theatrically, do not aim to inform the public. Their goal is to produce entertainment, irony or ridicule – turning the political figure into a meme object. In this way, politics loses its content and turns into a digital performance.

Facebook and TikTok algorithms reinforce this logic, favoring content that generates clicks, reactions, and shares, regardless of accuracy or context. As a result, public discourse is fragmented, trivialized, and polarized, while citizens are exposed to a constant stream of material that provokes emotional response rather than critical reflection.

Changing perceptions of political figures

Within this digital ecosystem, political figures are no longer perceived solely through their institutional role or public statements, but increasingly through the image that is built about them on social networks.

The incumbent Prime Minister and leader of the Vetëvendosje Movement, Albin Kurti, is often depicted in a hyper-glorified manner in viral content that portrays him as a dominant and symbolic figure in Kosovar politics. Various videos and images place him at the center of the political narrative, often idealizing or heroizing his figure beyond concrete political action. An example of this logic is the circulation of videos in which his figure is depicted being carved into wood, as a symbol of political monumentalization in the digital space. Likewise, through the trivialization of 100 euro supplements deciding Kurti's image on the 100 euro note.

On the other hand, the former president and leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo list for the June 7 elections, Vjosa Osmani, is often the subject of AI-generated videos or political montages that reinterpret her role through emotional and symbolic frames. Such content is linked to narratives about her return to the LDK, her relationship with Rugova, or perceived tensions with other political actors. In some cases, she appears in video generated together with Ibrahim Rugova, creating a political symbolism related to Rugova's political legacy and interpretations of its proximity or distance to the LDK.

Osman is also presented as Kurti's main rival, illustrated in videos generated with artificial intelligence that dramatize a confrontation between them.

Likewise, the content that links Osmani to the debates on returning to the LDK, with perceived clashes with Donika Gërvalla, or with internal topics of Rugovism, often do not aim for political analysis, but rather encourage symbolic and emotional interpretations that quickly circulate in the public.

Even Lumir Abdixhiku, the leader of the LDK, is often involved in this type of content, especially in satirical or manipulated videos that place him in ironic contexts. One example is the circulation of videos where he appears together with Vjosa Osmani with the idea that The end of the Kurti Government will come from these twoOr an image generated with artificial intelligence where it is fabricated clash between Osman and AbdixhikThese materials do not aim to clarify political developments, but to turn them into objects of satire and public ridicule.

Even small topics or statements taken out of context – as in the case of the use of the term "hairdresser" – are quickly transformed into AI-interpreted video footage, taking on new life in the form of political humor, irony, and propaganda reuse.

Slopaganda as a new instrument of political propaganda

In this sense, slopaganda in Kosovo does not only represent the use of artificial intelligence technology for content creation. It has become a new mechanism of political communication and digital propaganda. It aims not only to produce false information, but also to distort the way the public sees politics and political figures.

Its effect is multidimensional: it undermines trust in visual material as evidence, replaces rational debate with emotional spectacle, and transforms the political figure from an institutional actor into a viral character. In this way, politics is reduced to memes, discrediting turns into entertainment, and propaganda is disguised as humor, satire, or innocent social media “content.”

In the longer term, this produces a public sphere that is more polarized, more cynical, and less able to distinguish between legitimate political criticism, visual manipulation, and propaganda produced with artificial intelligence.

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