Wrote: Festim Rizanaj
The RT Balkan and Sputnik media campaign presents the end-of-year 2025 election process in Kosovo as an existential battle for the survival of the Serbian population, building the narrative that the elections were rigged through diaspora votes and Albin Kurti’s militarized rhetoric. In these reports, the Serbian List is presented as the only legitimate force and as an “umbilical cord” protecting Serbs from institutional violence and, as alleged, ethnic cleansing efforts. At the same time, Kosovo institutions – including the CEC – and Serbian politicians cooperating with Pristina are labeled as illegitimate and in the service of anti-Serbian interests, while the election process is portrayed not as a democratic contest, but as a decisive referendum for preserving the political and identity connection of Serbs with Serbia.
RT Balkan Narratives
Through a detailed analysis of RT Balkan's reporting during the period from December 17 to December 30, 2025, a clear editorial approach is observed that focuses on the protection of Serbian interests and harsh criticism of Pristina's institutions. According to the sources provided, at least 19 main articles (based on the unique titles and topics of the sources) covering the course of the December 28 elections were published.
Using the diaspora as a tool of manipulation
According to RT Balkan reports, Albin Kurti's use of the diaspora is portrayed as a pure tool of political manipulation to secure power. This media outlet insists that Kurti deliberately fixed the elections at the end of December, taking advantage of the massive arrival of around 400,000 members of the diaspora for the end-of-year holidays. This move is seen as a strategy to fill his "vote pool" with people who do not live there, as trust in the local population had fallen significantly.
This situation is described as a extraordinary paradox: Kurti's third mandate is being secured by the votes of people who left Kosovo precisely because his government did not secure them work or welfareSources point out that these voters come from Europe for a weekend, vote and return to their countries with salaries of thousands of euros, leaving local pollsters to deal with the high cost of living, inflation and pensions of only 120-140 euros.
RT Balkan claims that this "imported vote" is being used to mask the deep crisis of legitimacy within the country. According to them, about 15% of the total votes came from the diaspora, with 62% of this group supporting Vetëvendosje, thus becoming the decisive factor of victoryRT Balkan goes further by accusing Kurti of having deliberately manipulated the process parliamentary, organizing 57 failed sessions of the Assembly just to "drag out" the election date until the moment of the arrival of the diaspora. Moreover, this diaspora is considered easier to manipulate with promises and rhetoric nationalist militarization, as they do not experience the difficult reality of life on the ground. RT Balkan reports also that the real number of Albanians living in Kosovo is much lower than what is officially presented and that the elections were mainly influenced by the votes of the diaspora.
Militarization and the "Serbian threat" as a cover
According to RT Balkan reports, Albin Kurti's campaign has been characterized by a state of "almost war", where the "Serbian threat" and the Russian one are used as a cover to cover up internal problems. The medium emphasizes that Kurti "sells" his voters a harsh rhetoric of militarization, promising to buy German "Panzerfaust" systems, American "Javelin" missiles, helicopters, as well as the opening of factories for the production of drones and ammunition. He has even proclaimed that, with the new defense systems, "Serbia doesn't need tanks.", because they would have no chance against the weaponry he has provided, including 1,000 Turkish "kamikaze" drones."
This “Balkan arsonist” narrative serves as a tool to stoke nationalist sentiments and divert attention from economic failures, such as minimum pensions of 120-140 euros and low wages, which have forced over 210,000 Albanians to leave Kosovo during his term. Political scientist Ognjen Gogić notes that Kurti is playing the role of a "Little Zelensky in the Balkans", presenting himself as the sole defender against a possible "invasion", a strategy that serves to secure the support of militants and the diaspora who are not suffering the consequences of the economic crisis on the ground.
“Institutional violence” and persecution
The media outlet emphasizes that the Central Election Commission (CEC) in Pristina was used as a political tool to prevented the participation of the Serbian List, refusing the certification of this party and its candidates four times within the year, decisions that were later overturned by appeals panels. In addition, RT Balkan reports that the CEC took illegal decisions on the composition of voting councils and refused the accreditation of observers from the organization "OKO" only because their statute used the term “Kosovo and Metohija”. This approach was also criticized by the delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which expressed concern about the impartiality of the election administration.
Another pillar of this narrative is the use of arrests as a tool of intimidation. RT Balkan reports that Albin Kurti, on the eve of the elections, arrested a large number of Serbs, accusing them of alleged war crimes after two decades. Only in 2025, they are said to be about 100 Serbs arrested or interrogated, while over 150 ethnically motivated incidents have been recorded. This campaign also included forcible seizure of homes and premises from Serbian families and the ban on the use of the Serbian dinar.
Representatives of the Serbian List, such as Igor Simić, have described these measures, including “The Law on Foreigners”, as an attempt to "ethnic cleansing through administrative decisions"According to them, the aim of the Pristina regime was to institutional fear and violence to force Serbs to leave Kosovo, striking at the main pillars of their survival: health, education, and connection with the state of Serbia. Petkovic says 2025 has been a very difficult year for Serbs in Kosovo and that they are facing pressure, institutional violence and discrimination from the Pristina authorities.
The sole legitimacy of the Serbian List
RT Balkan emphasizes that the main strength of the Serbian List stems from the direct support of the state of Serbia and President Aleksandar VučićThe director of the so-called Office for Kosovo, Petar Petkovic, has described this party as "the lifeline" that connects Kosovo Serbs with Belgrade, arguing that without this connection, investments in health, education and infrastructure would be cut off. For the medium, The Serbian List is equal to the state of Serbia, and every vote for him is a vote for the protection of the Serbian Constitution.
During the campaign, leaders of the Serbian List such as Zlatan Elek and Dalibor Jevtic have stated that this party is "the shield of the Serbian people" against Albin Kurti's policies. RT Balkan reports that only through the victory of all 10 guaranteed mandates, Serbs can prevent “institutional violence”, groundless arrests and attempts to the closure of Serbian schools and hospitalsObtaining these mandates is seen as the only way to ensure that no important decision in Pristina is made without the consent of the Serbs.
A key element of RT Balkan's narrative is the discrediting of Serbian politicians who are not part of the Serbian List. Nenad Rašić and his party are consistently labeled as "Kurti's Serbs" or "servants" who serve to harm Serbian unity. Zlatan Elek, using medical metaphors, has stated that "betrayal is a diagnosis from which there is no escape", referring to those who cooperate with Pristina. According to the medium, Rashiqi does not represent the Serbs, as he get votes in clean Albanian environments like Prizren, with the orchestrated help of the Kurti regime to "steal" a Serbian mandate.
In the end, RT Balkan describes these elections not as a political competition, but as a referendum: either with the Serbian List and the state of Serbia, or with Kurti's "subordinates" who lead to the expulsion of Serbs. After the announcement of the preliminary results, the claimed victory “10 to 0” in Serbian circles it was used as the final confirmation of this exclusive legitimacy.
Protagonists and antagonists
protagonists
Serbian List (Zlatan Elek, Igor Simic, Dalibor Jevtiq): This group is portrayed as the “shield of the Serbian people.” Their leaders are presented as stoic defenders who fight to ensure the ten guaranteed mandates in the Pristina parliament, describing this as the only way to prevent institutional violence and the expulsion of Serbs.
Official Belgrade (Aleksandar Vuiqi., Petar Petkovic): President Vučić and Director Petković are considered the only guarantors of Serbian survival. Petković describes the Serbian List as "the lifeline" that connects the people with the state of Serbia, enabling the financing of hospitals, schools and infrastructure.
Russia (Alexander Botsan-Kharchenko): The Russian ambassador in Belgrade serves as the voice of international “reason”, who through his interviews confirms the position that these elections will not bring any change fundamental or improvement for Serbs in Kosovo.
Antagonists
Albin Kurti and Self-Determination: They are portrayed as "Balkan arsonists" and populists who harbor hatred towards Serbs. According to sources, their goal is to “liberate the north” through continuous arrests and administrative pressures to force Serbs to leave.
Central Election Commission (CEC): Accused of political bias and illegal decisions aimed at eliminating the Serbian List from the race. It is also severely criticized for refusal of accreditation of the observers of the "OKO" organization for terminological reasons.
Nenad Rashiq: Described as a "Kurti's Serb" and "servant" without legitimacy to the Serbian people. RT Balkan insists that he receives mandates through Albanian vote manipulation in places like Prizren to harm Serbian unity and interests.
International Observers: Characters like Sabina Qudic (considered a friend of Pristina) and representatives of Turkey (a state that arms Kosovo) are viewed with great suspicion. They are accused of not being able to be independent in observing the electoral process.
Sputnik narratives
The early parliamentary elections of December 28, 2025 marked a critical moment for the Serbian community in Kosovo, being described by official Belgrade as a decisive event where "the fate of the Serbian people was broken." Through 22 articles and analyses published on Sputniknews, a tense period is reflected where the victory of the Serbian List was considered the only way to maintain the connection with the state of Serbia.
Serbian List as a "lifeline" with Belgrade
According to this media outlet, the main narrative promoted by Serbian representatives was that the Serbian List represents the "lifeline" (vital connection) between the Serbian people in Kosovo and official Belgrade. The director of the so-called Office for Kosovo, Petar Petkovic, and other leaders emphasized that only this political force guarantees the continuity of financial assistance, investments in health and education through the employment of hundreds of new employees, as well as the protection of Serbian national interests in the institutions of Pristina.
In this context, winning all 10 guaranteed mandates was portrayed as a necessity to prevent the marginalization of Serbs and to ensure that no political process would be possible without them. The leaders of the Serbian List as Zlatan Elek and Igor Simic called for complete unity, arguing that every vote for other options serves to weaken the Serbian factor and realize Pristina's goals of "ethnic cleansing" through administrative measures, such as the "Law on Foreigners" or the ban on the circulation of cars with authorizations.
Albin Kurti and Nenad Rashic as threats to unity
Another powerful narrative in Sputnik was the portrayal of Albin Kurti as an antagonist who uses “terror” and “militarization of the north” through the construction of police bases to expel Serbs. Sputnik claims that Kurti attempted to “appoint” Serbian representatives by supporting Nenad Rashiqin, who was described as a "servant" of Pristina who has no legitimacy in Serbian environments, as he is accused of receiving votes from Albanians in municipalities where there are no Serbs.
Furthermore, the Serbian List accused Rašić of abusing institutions and subsidies for vote buying, claiming that his brother distributed election material and ballots inside official offices. Ministry for Communities and ReturnsThis narrative presented the electoral process as a confrontation between “true Serbs” and those who “sold their faith for a dinner”, attempting to undermine Serbian national unity.
Elections as a "referendum" for survival and AKS
The elections were not treated as a normal democratic process, but as a referendum for the existence of the Serbian people in their “centuries-old hearths.” The narrative in Sputnik insisted that winning all 10 mandates gives the Serbs the power to condition political processes in Pristina, ensuring that no important decision is made without their consent.
In this context, the victory of the Serbian List was considered vital to persistently seek the formation of Association of Serb-Majority Municipalities (AKS) according to the Brussels Agreement. Sputnik emphasizes that the ZSO should have executive powers in health and education and maintain financial ties with Belgrade, opposing attempts by Pristina and some Western diplomats to turn it into an organization without real political weight.
Institutional Discrimination and Obstacles by the CEC
Articles in Sputnik alleged what they called “institutional persecution” of the Serbian List by the Central Election Commission (CEC) in Pristina. One prominent example was refusal of accreditation of the observation mission “OKO” (Odbor za kontrolu i observaciju) only because their statute used the term “Kosovo and Metohija” instead of “Republic of Kosovo”. This action was described by the mission representatives as a direct violation of freedom of expression and the credibility of the elections, arguing that the right to observe should not be conditioned by terminological and identity issues.
Also, it was emphasized heavy fines of 30,000 euros imposed by the Electoral Complaints and Appeals Panel (ECAP) against the Serbian List for placing posters in public places in Leposavić, following a complaint from the entity “Kosovski savez”. Representatives of the Serbian List, such as Igor Simić, claimed that this evidenced a double standard, where Albanian parties had complete freedom to campaign, while their entity faced orchestrated attempts to disqualify. This narrative aimed to show that the Serbs were competing on unequal terms and under constant legal and political pressure aimed at weakening the Serbian factor before voting day.
Protagonists:
Serbian List (Zlatan Elek, Igor Simic): According to Sputnik, this subject appears as "shield""of the Serbian people and the sole guarantor of national unity. Its leader, Zlatan Elek, has emphasized that their victory is the only way to protect Serbian interests and prevent the liquidation of Serbs by decree.
Official Belgrade (Aleksandar Vučić, Petar Petković, Miloš Vučević)): These actors are portrayed as the main supporters who guarantee financial and political security through projects such as the employment of 700 health workers. Aleksandar Vuiqi. and Petar Petkovic made continuous calls for voting for the Serbian List as the "pupčana vrpca" (lifeline) with Serbia. The advisor Milosh Vucevic described the Kosovo Serbs as "the guardians of our state."
The Serbian people in Kosovo: They are described in Sputnik as "guardians of the state," who through their resistance in "centuries-old hearths" demonstrate the survival of the people and the state in that space. The Russian medium emphasizes that they successfully resisted "terror" and attempts at expulsion.
Antagonists:
Albin Kurti and the Vetevendosje Movement: According to the analysis, Kurti is considered the architect of instability and "terror", who uses the militarization of the north and police bases to expel Serbs. Sputnik claims that he attempted to "leave the Serbian people without leadership" by trying to stop the participation of the Serbian List in the elections.
Nenad Rashiq: It is constantly labeled as "valet"of Pristina, who has no Serbian legitimacy but is installed through Albanian votes in municipalities such as Gjakova and Prizren. He is also accused of misusing state subsidies to buy votes within his offices. Ministry for Communities and Returns.
Central Election Commission (CEC): Accused of illegal decisions, such as refusal of accreditation of the "OKO" observation mission due to the use of the term "Kosovo and Metohija". Sputnik claims that this institution lost legitimacy by becoming part of the administrative persecution of the Serbian entity.
The opposition in Serbia (“the protesters”): Sources present the Serbian opposition as Kurti's collaborators, claiming that they have the same goal: a weak Serbia. Petkovic stressed that "protesters" deliberately choose critical moments for Kosovo Serbs to cause unrest in central Serbia.
