The coverage of the election campaign for the June 7 elections in Kosovo by “Sputnik Srbija” (in Serbian) and “Russia Today Balkan” (in Serbian), during the period 1–31 May, is characterized by a common approach that frames the electoral process mainly through the logic of crisis, conflict and political uncertainty. In the case of “Sputnik Srbija”, in the 22 published articles, the elections are not treated as a democratic competition between political programs, but as an existential moment described through the discourse of “survival”, “threat” and “silent cleansing”, where the actions of Kosovo institutions are interpreted as part of a systematic strategy towards the Serbian community. In parallel, “Russia Today Balkan”, in 23 articles, structures the narrative around a similar picture of tension, focusing the discourse on security, political representation and interethnic relations, with particular emphasis on the perception of governance and the status of the Serbian community in Kosovo.
Sputnik Serbia's narratives on the election campaign in Kosovo
The coverage of the election campaign for the June 7 elections in Kosovo by “Sputnik Srbija” (in Serbian), during the period 1–31 May, is characterized by a deep framing of crisis and conflict. In the 22 articles published during this period, the democratic process is not presented as a political competition between programs or candidates, but as an existential moment described through the language of “survival”, “danger” and “silent ethnic cleansing” of the Serbian community. Within this framework, every action of Kosovo institutions is interpreted as part of a deliberate strategy to weaken and expel the Serbian community from Kosovo.
At the center of this narrative is the idea of a “struggle for survival,” articulated through statements by Srpska List representatives and officials in Belgrade, where the elections are depicted as a battle to protect “centuries-old hearths” and parallel Serbian institutions of education and health in Kosovo. At the same time, a mandatory political unity around Srpska List is promoted, while other Serbian entities are labeled as “Kurti’s satellites,” delegitimizing themselves as political factors. This introduction sets the stage for a broader analysis of the narratives that “Sputnik” uses to construct perceptions of crisis, fear, and exclusion in the context of the elections in Kosovo.
Elections as a "fight for survival" and mandatory unity
"Sputnik" frames the June 7 election process as a defining moment for the Serbian community in Kosovo, presenting it not as an ordinary political contest, but as a "struggle for survival and standing" in their lands. Through statements by the leaders of the Serbian List, especially the president of this political entity Zlatan Elek, the elections are portrayed as an existential battle where the outcome of the vote is directly linked to the preservation of the identity, presence and interests of Serbs in Kosovo. This narrative aims to create a sense of urgency and threat, mobilizing the electorate around a common goal.
At the same time, messages are promoted that demand complete political unity around the Serbian List, arguing that only through “unity” and unification can Serbian education and health institutions be protected. Any other political alternative is presented as harmful to the interests of the Serbian community, while votes for other Serb entities in Kosovo are labeled as “waste of votes” that, according to this narrative, end up in favor of “Kurti’s satellites”. Thus, the discourse constructs a clear division between “protectors” and “traitors” of Serbian interests, limiting the space for political pluralism within the community.
The narrative of “terror” and “political arrests” as a means of intimidation
One of the most prominent narratives promoted by "Sputnik" during the election campaign is the presentation of the actions of Kosovo institutions as a form of "terror" and political pressure on the Serbian community. Arrests of leaders of health and educational institutions in Gracanica are described as “political persecution” organized by the acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti, with the aim of influencing the electoral process. Through statements by Serbian officials and analysts, the impression is created that these actions are not part of legal procedures, but instruments used to exert fear and pressure on Serbian voters.
The narrative is further strengthened through claims that The arrests were made "without any evidence" and that they constitute a repeated pattern of action before each electoral process. According to this framing, the main goal of Kosovo institutions is not to implement the law, but to compromise influential figures in the Serb community and politically weaken the Serbian List. By presenting legal proceedings as politically motivated, this narrative aims to undermine public trust in Kosovo institutions and reinforce the perception that Serbs are the subject of a systematic campaign of repression.
Electoral engineering and manipulation by the CEC
“Sputnik” promotes the narrative that the electoral process in Kosovo is being systematically manipulated by the electoral institutions in Kosovo, raising doubts about the impartiality of the election administration. Its reports highlight the claims of Serbian List that its representation in municipal election commissions has been deliberately limited, allowing participation in only a portion of the commissions. According to this framework, such a situation creates the conditions for what is described as “electoral engineering,” as the main Serb political entity will not have sufficient oversight over the voting and vote counting process.
To support this claim, the reports refer to statements by officials of the Serbian List, who argue that there is a major disproportionality in the distribution of positions on the election boards. According to them, Albanian parties with minimal support in Serb-majority municipalities enjoy greater representation in election administration than the Serb List, despite its electoral weight. Through this discourse, the narrative is built that electoral institutions are favoring other political actors and are creating mechanisms to influence the election result, undermining the trust of Serbian voters in the integrity of the process.
Portrayal of Nenad Rashiq as a "traitor"
In the reports of "Sputnik", Nenad Rashiqi is presented as the main figure opposing the Serbian List and as a political actor who acts in the interest of Kosovo, to the detriment of the Serbian community. Through a delegitimizing discourse, he is portrayed as a "traitor" to Serbian interests, while his political activity is linked to actions that, according to the allegations raised, have contributed to the pressure on Serbs in KosovoIn this context, Rashiqi is accused of: has "targeted" Serbs in Government meetings, leading to their arrest or prosecution by Kosovo institutions.
The narrative goes even further by questioning the legitimacy of his political entity. Representatives of the Serbian List claim that Rašić's electoral lists include candidates who do not belong to the Serbian community, with the aim of usurping the seats reserved for Serbian representatives in the Kosovo Assembly. There are also allegations that his electoral support comes mainly from Albanian voters and not from the Serbian community, presenting him as a political instrument of Pristina to weaken authentic Serbian representation. This narrative aims to undermine Rašić's credibility and legitimacy as a representative of Kosovo Serbs, positioning him as an opponent of the interests of the community he claims to represent.
The narrative of “apartheid” and “second-class citizens”
The narrative of “apartheid” and “second-class citizens” is one of the strongest forms of victimizing discourse that “Sputnik” promotes in its reporting on Serbs in Kosovo. Through statements by Serbian politicians and analysts, Kosovo institutions are presented as mechanisms of a systematic discriminatory policy, which aims at the marginalization and gradual removal of the Serbian population. In this context, Serbs are depicted as "second-class citizens", deprived of democratic rights and equal treatment, while the situation is compared to a form of "apartheid" towards which, according to this narrative, the international community remains passive.
This narrative is also reinforced through the interpretation of various political and social developments as deliberate actions against the Serbian community. The decision to rebuild the Ibar Mosque in North Mitrovica is presented as a “provocation” organized by the Kosovo authorities, while the refusal of accreditation of several Serbian non-governmental organizations by the CEC due to the use of “Kosovo and Metohija” in the name of the state of Kosovo is interpreted as evidence of the restriction of the political and civil rights of Serbs. By linking these cases into a single framework, the narrative aims to create the perception that there is a coordinated anti-Serbian policy, which not only discriminates against the Serbian community, but also endangers its presence and future in Kosovo.
The West's complicity and Europe's "satisfaction"
The narrative of "Western complicity" and "European complacency" constitutes an important framework in the discourse of "Sputnik" and Serbian political actors, where responsibility for the situation in Kosovo is shifted from local actors to international structures. President Aleksandar Vucic and other officials present the political process in Kosovo as the result of a tacit collaboration between official Pristina and the West, implying that international institutions not only do not intervene, but indirectly tolerate or support the alleged unfair treatment of Serbs. In this context, the lack of implementation of the Association of Serb-Majority Municipalities (AKS) is interpreted as a deliberate strategy to weaken the position of the Serbian community in Kosovo.
This narrative is deepened through strong victimizing statements, where the situation of Serbs is compared to historical periods of crisis, including 1999, suggesting that any similar behavior by Serbia would have immediate international consequencesIn this way, Serbs are presented as “the most endangered people in Europe,” creating an emotional and historical framework that aims to reinforce the sense of threat and isolation. This discourse also includes coverage of the Serbian List election campaign. as an act of resistance to Kosovo politics, where elections are seen not only as a democratic process, but as a means of protecting collective rights and Serbian institutions in the north. In parallel, media outlets like “Sputnik Serbia” intertwine this local narrative with broader geopolitical agendas, linking the Kosovo issue to Russian perspectives and global debates on security and international order.
Russia Today Balkan's (RT Balkan) narrative frames on the election campaign in Kosovo
The coverage of the election campaign for the June 7 elections in Kosovo by “Russia Today Balkan” (in Serbian), during the period 1–31 May, consists of 23 articles that provide a consolidated framework of interpretation on political, institutional and interethnic developments in the country. This media corpus is characterized by the treatment of issues of security, political representation and inter-community relations, placing the electoral process within a tense narrative on governance and the role of the Serbian community in Kosovo.
Through these publications, a series of narrative frames are articulated that include “institutional terrorism and arrests as an electoral instrument”, “diaspora manipulation and vote buying”, “marginalization of the Serbian List”, “government failure and corruption”, and “erasure of Serbian identity and symbolic provocations”. These approaches build a critical picture of Kosovo’s institutions and the electoral process, reading the political dynamics through the prism of conflict, suspicions of political instrumentalization and the perception of the deterioration of interethnic relations and institutional functioning.
Institutional terror and arrests as an electoral tool
"RT Balkan" articulates a narrative called "institutional terror and arrests as an electoral tool", claiming that Prime Minister Albin Kurti is not delivering economic results for voters and, as a result, is uses the arrests of Serbs as a tool for political mobilization of the Albanian electorateIn this framework, the arrest of seven directors of Serbian health and educational institutions in Gracanica is interpreted as a direct political action, ordered by Kurti, with the aim of intimidating Serbian voters and increasing tensions on the ground.
The narrative also alleges a deliberate process of "criminalization of Serbs", linking the filing of indictments for war crimes with an electoral strategy to demonstrate a "strong hand" in northern Kosovo. Along the same lines, actions against parallel health and educational institutions are considered a blow to the "pillars of survival" of the Serbian community, interpreted as attempts to pressure and displace the remaining Serbian population in inhabited areas.
Diaspora manipulation and vote buying
“RT Balkan” articulates another narrative framework called “diaspora manipulation and vote buying,” where the Albanian diaspora is described as an electorate disconnected from Kosovo's internal reality, but according to this discourse is being used strategically to influence the election outcomeIn this context, it is alleged that Albin Kurti's government is providing political support through financial and logistical initiatives, including subsidizing travel tickets with around 2 million euros and distributing 100 euros to certain categories on the eve of the elections.
Furthermore, this narrative presents as contradictory the fact that a part of the diaspora, which has emigrated for economic reasons, continues to support the current government, interpreting this as a disconnection from the socio-economic reality in the country. It also raises the claim of unequal treatment in the electoral process, emphasizing that While the Albanian diaspora is facilitated in participating in the elections, displaced Serbs face more difficult conditions and administrative barriers to exercising their right to vote in Kosovo.
The marginalization of the Serbian List and the creation of “Kurti's Serbs”
"RT Balkan" builds this narrative under the framework of "marginalization of the Serbian List and the creation of "Kurti's Serbs", where The Serbian List presents itself as the only legitimate representative of the interests of the Serbian community in Kosovo., while political figures like Nenad Rašić are labeled as instrumentalized or dependent on Kosovo institutions. In this discourse, his participation in political processes is interpreted as the result of political intervention and not as an autonomous expression of the electoral will of the Serbian community.
Also, the claim of "electoral engineering" is raised, where the Central Election Commission is accused of has reduced the representation of the Serbian List in electoral bodies, with the aim of creating space for manipulation of the process. Along the same lines, it is said that in the lists Nenad Rašić's party included non-Serb candidates, such as Bosniaks or Montenegrins, to benefit from the seats reserved for the Serbian community.. Also, the legitimacy of the votes he receives in areas without a Serb population is questioned, being interpreted as evidence of his support from the Albanian electorate and as a result of Kurti's political influence.
Governance failure and corruption
“RT Balkan” frames the domestic situation in Kosovo as a “failure of governance” accompanied by institutional and economic collapse. In this interpretation, low salaries and pensions are highlighted as evidence of the incompetence of the Vetëvendosje-led government’s policies over the past five years, directly linking the socio-economic situation to the performance of the executive.
Along the same lines, the narrative also includes accusations of moral scandals and corruption, mentioning allegations by the Albanian opposition against the acting Minister of Internal Affairs, Xhelal Sveçla, regarding his stay in a villa confiscated by Milan Radoićić, presenting the government as involved in immoral behavior and abuses. Also, the tension between Albin Kurti and Vjosa Osmani is highlighted as a sign of division within the institutions, which according to this discourse can produce political instability and lead to the possibility of new elections in the fall.
Erasure of Serbian identity and symbolic provocations
“RT Balkan” presents this segment of the narrative under the framework of “erasure of Serbian identity and symbolic provocations”, claiming that the political campaign in Kosovo is accompanied by actions aimed at diminishing the Serbian historical and cultural presence in the public space. In this context, the CEC’s decision not to accredit Serbian non-governmental organizations for election monitoring because their names include the term "Metohi", is interpreted as a deliberate restriction of the expression of Serbian identity.
Following, the announcement for reconstruction of the Ibar Mosque in North Mitrovica described as a sensitive and provocative political action, compared to the lack of care for Serbian Orthodox cemeteries in southern Kosovo. Also reported are symbolic actions such as the removal of Serbian flags and placing Kosovo state symbols in public institutions, which in this narrative are interpreted as signs of the consolidation of political and institutional control to the detriment of Serbian identity on the ground.